摘自 葛剑雄《统一与分裂》第一章 昔日的天下观
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二 一厢情愿的“天下”
经过秦朝的短期统一和随后的几次战乱,空前规模的西汉帝国终于巩固下来了。到公元初,帝国的疆域西起巴尔喀什湖和帕米尔高原,东至朝鲜半岛北部,北起阴山、辽河,南至今越南中部,并在其中约上百万平方公里的领土止设置了一百零三个郡、国(一级政区)和千五百多个县、道、邑侯国(二级政区),直接统治着六千万人口这一范围比《禹贡》九州要大得多。
九州观念的延续
汉人的足迹,根据明确的记载,已经达到了中亚、西亚,直至地中泫之滨以及日本、东南亚、南亚,贸易交往的范围就更大了。大一统的南图早已成为现实,而且“九州”之外的存在也已是尽人皆知的事实。来自西域的葡萄、苜蓿、杂技、音乐,不像珠玉玩好那样只是皇家的珍秘,异国的使者和商人在长安已不时可见。按照汉朝的兵役制度推测,绝大多数郡国都有人参加征代匈奴、大宛的战争和在边境的屯戍,也就是说各地都有人亲身经历“九州”之外的境地。出使异域归来的使臣的详细报告和管辖西域各国的都护府的文书档案,使学者和史官能够留下确切的记载。《史记》、《汉书》中有关西域的史料,即使用今天的眼光看也还是比较翔实可靠的。
但是这一切并没有削弱原来那种以中原为中心、华夏(汉族)为主干的统一观,反而还有所加强。因为通过这些活动,人们已经确信,在中国之外再也不存在比中国更强大、富饶、文明的国家了。其他国家的君主和人民如果不对中国称臣纳贡、接受赏赐,就只能自外于华夏声教,甘心为夷狄了。
东汉以后,西北以至中亚的民族大量内迁,东北民族也先后进入黄河流域,有的甚至成了中原的主人。但在占优势的华夏文化面前,这些军事上的征服者无不成了文化上的被征服者。这些民族的首领也成了受命于天的“炎黄子孙”,甚至这些民族本身也渐渐融合在华夏(汉族)之中了。
发达的文字和造纸、印刷技术使中原统治者对边疆地区和外国的一厢情愿的记载长期流传,而被记载的对象不是没有文字就是史料早已散佚无存,所以二十四史中某国于某年某月称臣受封,某国于某年某月进贡来朝,某国于某年某月接受赏赐这类记载,在不少人的眼中自然成了中华帝国声威所及的象征。
这就毫不奇怪,为什么直到18世纪初,西方早已完成了地理大发现,欧洲列强已在海上称霸并将东方作为下一个目标是地,修《明史》的史官在评述利玛窦的《万国全图》时还认为“其说荒渺莫考”,只是由于“其国人充斥中土”,所以“其地固有之”;总算承认了欧洲的存在。这就是说,要是没有那么多西洋人出现在中国的话,即使利玛窦的世界地图上画得再清楚,史官们也会视而不见的。
这也就毫不奇怪,为什么直到19世纪后期,明明因敌不过洋人的坚船利炮,不得不签订屈辱的条约,以满足列强的贪欲,清朝的官方文件中却还要厚着脸皮写上:“大清国大皇帝恩准该夷...”;俨然一副作为世界主人的天朝皇帝派头。而精通儒家经典的大臣和学者很自然地想到了春秋时“南夷与北狄交,中国不绝若线”的形势,因而当务之急还是要明辨“夷”“夏”;但这些人中的绝大多数至死也不知道这么多的夷人是从哪里来的,究竟要干什么?一位关心时务、忧国忧民的大臣终于找到了对付夷人的绝妙办法,他上书皇帝,建议大清国的军队以长竹竿为武器;因为他经过仔细观察,发现夷人走路时腿脚是直的,显然没有关节,所以只要用长竹竿将他们拨倒在地就再也爬不起来,置之死地岂不易如反掌?
如果世上只有中文
清乾隆五十八年(1793年),英国国王乔治三世派遣的使节马戛尔尼(George Macartney)来华,经过一系列的谈判,双方终于就他觐见乾隆的礼仪达成协议,乾隆皇帝恩在热河避暑山庄万树园内召见。如果是乾隆“特颁敕谕”,让他传达给英国国王: 咨尔国王,远在重洋,倾心向化,特遣使恭赍表章,...朕披阅表文,词意肫恳,具见尔国王恭顺之诚,深为嘉许。...至尔国王表内,恳请派一尔国之人,住居天朝,照管尔国买卖一节,此则与天朝体制不合,断不可行。...若云仰慕天朝,欲其观习教化,则天朝自有天朝礼法,与尔国各不相同;尔国所留之人,即能习学,尔国自有风俗制度,亦断不能效法中国。即学会,亦属无用。天朝抚有四海,惟励精图治,办理政务,奇珍异宝,并无贵重。尔国王此次赍进各物,念其诚心远献,特谕该管衙门收纳。其实天朝德威远被,万国来王,种种贵重之物,梯航毕集,无所不有,尔之正使等所亲见。然从不贵奇巧,并无更需尔国制办物件。
这篇奇文在今天看来固然荒唐,但在当时却是乾隆帝引为自豪的纪录:“英夷”不远万里来效忠,遣使纳贡;尽管不识大体提出不合常规的要求,但经过“严加驳斥”,便恭顺遵奉了。因此不仅由史官载入国史,还命边臣将这道敕谕抄录,以便遵照妥办。所幸乾隆早死了几十年,没有亲眼目睹以后英国国王用枪炮表示的“恭顺”和爱新觉罗子孙用国土和主权所作的一次次“赏赐”。
要是世界上没有英文、法文、西班牙文、葡萄牙文等西方文字,或者发生了什么天灾将这些文字记录的史料全部毁灭了,必定会有一批史学家根据上面这道敕谕和《清实录》、《东华录》等大清官方记载,考订出18世纪末年英国向清朝“称臣纳贡”的事实,作为大清帝国的声威已经越过欧亚大陆和英吉利海峡的证据。并且还可以进一步推导出这样的结论:英国当时一定已内外交困,国势衰弱,所以不得不寻求清朝的庇护,才不远万里来归顺输诚。
这固然是近于儿戏的假设,但如果历史上与中国的中原王朝发生过关系的国家和民族都有自己的文字记载,又都保存到了今天,恐怕二十四史中的一些四夷传、外国传以及本纪、列传中的某些篇章就得重写了,某些史学学引经据典得出的高论也难免不成为上面这样的笑话。
长城的价值
传统的天下观一方面把世界各国、各地都看作“王土”,但另一方面又把“天下”限制在中原王朝疆域的范围,甚至只限于中原王朝的中心地区。在这种矛盾认识的支配和影响下,对仅仅作为部分中原王朝北方边防的长城就作出了异乎寻常的高度评价。
今天的中国人不知道长城的大概绝少,但真正了解长城的却并不多。
山海关有座孟姜女庙,据说孟姜女寻夫到此,哭倒了秦始皇筑的长城。在北京北面的长城又有不少古迹同北宋的杨家将挂上了钩。而东起山海关,西至嘉峪关的明长城往往被人糊里糊涂地加到秦始皇头上;无数游客会站在八达岭上赞叹这“二千年的奇迹”。其实这些都是民间世人、文人雅士和胡编课本的冬烘先生们开的玩笑。
因为实际上秦长城在山海关以北二三百里,孟姜女在山海关不仅哭不倒长城,就连长城的影子都不会看到。北宋末年以前的军队最远只到达今天北京的南郊,像杨家将这样的正规军绝对不可能越过辽国的南京幽州城而活动在它的北面。山海关至嘉峪关间的长城筑于明朝,与秦始皇毫不相干。八达岭一段长城至多有五六百年的历史,也不会找到二千多年前的影子。
近年来,长城的价值又有了最现代化的标准,因为据说它是一位美国太空人在太空中唯一能用肉眼见到的地球上的建筑物。最近又有消息说这一报道有误,事实并非如此。其实,即使被太空人看到了,也不见得就抬高了长城的身价。因为今天的先辈上已不是什么贯通万里的建筑了,很多地方已成断垣残壁,甚至已经杳无踪影。残留的长城中相当一部分只剩下黄土堆积,与周围的荒野并无明显区别。而地球上比长城的形象明显很多的建筑物并不少,何至于它们却没有进入这位太空人的眼帘?要真有这样的事,就只能归结于一系列偶然因素:如这一段长城上空正好未被去雾遮盖,光线正好适宜,太空人正好在观察,他事先又知道地球上有长城。只要缺少其中一项,恐怕就不会有这样的结果了。
如果这位太空人看到的不是长城,而是其他国家的什么建筑,长城的价值是不是就会降低或被取消了呢?看来大可不必担心。长城就是长城,它的价值客观存在。
毫无疑问,长城是我国乃至人类建筑史上的一项奇迹。我们的先民在极其贫乏的物质条件下,以最原始、最简单的工具完成了如此浩大的工程,显示了他们的智慧、力量和决心。但是要把长城说成是中华民族共同的象征,歌颂它在中国历史上超过如何大的作用,就违背了历史事实。
从战国时的秦国、赵国、燕国开始到明朝末年修筑的长城,历来就是中原农耕民族对付北方游牧民族的手段。且不说长城沿线埋下了多少尸骨,耗费了多少财产,就是以军事上的作用而言,长城又何尝达到了中原统治者当初的目的呢?实际上一旦中原王朝失去军事实力,长城就形同虚设。秦始皇死后匈奴就越过长城占了河套地区,明朝末年清兵出入长城如入无人之境,真正沿着长城作武力对峙的例子并不多见。
长城固然多少遏制了北方游牧民族对南方的入侵和破坏,但同时也限制了民族间的交流和融合,固定了农牧业的界线。所以历史上修筑长城次数最多、工程量最大、质量最高的明朝,正是对西北和北方最保守、最无作为的王朝。随着长城的最终完成,明朝的势力再也没有越出嘉峪关一步。相反,能够把农业和牧业民族同时统一起来的政权就不需要、也绝不会修筑长城。到了清朝,长城内外归于一统,残留的长城开始还作为地区间的关卡,以后就被完全废弃了。这是中国历史上极其重要的一页。
秦朝人、汉朝人、明朝人的爱国主义自然只能以长城为界,因为长城外面就不是全心全意的国了,而是另一个政权或民族的疆域了。但唐朝人、清朝人的爱国主义就绝不会受到长城的限制,因为长城外边同样是他们的国。到了20世纪90年代的中国,在长城内外的各族人民早已融合为一个不可分割的整体,岂能再用历史上部分中原王朝狭隘的民族立场来认识长城?岂能用它来象征中华民族?
究竟是筑起长城、守住长城对中国历史贡献大,还是将长城南北统一起来对中国历史的贡献大,这是不言而喻的。但从汉朝以来把长城作为“天之所以限胡汉”(老天爷用来分隔胡人和汉人)的界线,把“天下”限于长城之内;流风余韵,是否还存在于某些现代中国人的思想深处?这是值得我们考虑的。
炎黄子孙
据说炎帝和黄帝是我们共同的二位祖先,当然也是台湾、港澳以及世界上一切华人的共同祖先。近年来,“炎黄子孙”的使用频率越来越高,范围越来越广,由文人学者扩大到社会各界并进入了政府要人的谈话和官方文件,大有取代“中华民族”或“中国人民”二词的势头。这不能不引起稍有历史常识的人的不安。
到目前为止,夏文化遗址虽然已见到发掘的报道,但还有待专家的鉴定和认可。比夏代更早的黄帝炎帝时代更找不到任何物证。根据现有的历史知识分析,黄帝、炎帝只是当时众多部落首领中的两位,尽管他们是最强大的首领之一,但活动范围和影响力还是有限的。一般说来,不可能超过以后的夏和商。即使从文字记载看,我们也只能把他们看作传说人物。司马迁写《史记》时已经无法找到可靠的史料,只是采用了《春秋》、《国语》的成说。如果没有新的史料或物证发现,我们大概不可能比司马迁更高明吧!
根据《史记》的记载,我们这两位老祖宗原来是一对冤家。炎帝本是天子,但实力衰退,统治不了诸侯;而黄帝却文武并用,软硬兼施,争取到了诸侯的拥护。于是黄帝集中兵力,并动用了豺狼虎豹,与炎帝打了三仗,将他击败。炎帝倒也很识时务,甘拜下风,作了黄帝的属臣,两个部落也联合了。以黄帝为首的炎黄联合部落统治了黄河流域,繁衍了无数炎黄子孙。
但是从《史记》的记载看,当时也还有众多的诸侯,他们显然只是黄帝和炎帝的属臣,而不是家族。莫非这些诸侯都绝了后?或者他们都迁出了中国?否则中国今天总有相当一部分人是他们的后代,而不是出自炎黄一系。
退一步说,即使早期的华夏族的成员都是炎黄的后代,史书上也还记录了大量非华夏部族。这些部族有的被华夏族打败了,被强制吸收了,但并没有被在肉体上消灭,同样会生儿育女。考古发掘成果已经证明,全国数千处新石器时代的文化遗址可以分成多种类型。近年来在长江流域、燕山山脉、东北地区、四川盆地的考古发现进一步证明了中国早期文化的多元性。直到春秋时期,中原还有不少非华夏的部族,更不用说在中原以外地区。这些部族只有少数迁出了今天的中国,而大多数都逐渐融合在华夏族之中了。可以说,到秦始皇统一时,华夏族已经是民族大融合的产物了,其中纯粹的炎黄子孙恐怕已经是少数了。
华夏族及以后的汉族在同化其他民族的过程中虽然也少不了武力的强制,但却有一种积极的传统,那就是并不过于重视血统关系。任何异族只要与汉族认同,接受汉族文化,就可以成为汉族的一员,而并不考虑他们的血统及是否曾与汉族婚配,对于异族的杰出人物,一旦能为汉族政权效劳,统治者同样会委以重任,与任用汉族臣僚并无二致。所以虽然历史上汉族同其他民族的冲突和战争也相当频繁,但在汉族内部却从来没有发生过清查血统一类的运动。
流落在世界各地的犹太人大多受到歧视和迫害,但来到中国的犹太人却长期过着和平生活,得到汉人的平等对待,以至他们逐渐失去了保持本民族特征的心态,终于在汉族中消失了。这就是个很有力的例证。
从秦汉以来,由北方进入黄河流域的非华夏民族至少有匈奴、乌桓、鲜卑、羌、氐、羯、突厥、高丽、回纥、契丹、党项、女真、蒙古、维吾尔、回、满等,其中有的来自遥远的中亚和西亚。这些民族中,一部分又迁回了原地或迁到中国以外去了,但相当大一部分加入了汉族,有的整个民族都已经消失在汉人之中了。在南方,随着汉人的南迁,原来人数众多、种族繁杂的夷、蛮、越、巴、棘、僚、俚等等,有的已经完全消失,有的后裔的居住区已大大缩小,原来他们的聚居区大多已成为汉人聚居区。南方的汉人事实上有相当大一部分是他们的子孙。所以,在今天的十亿汉人中,地道的炎黄子孙反而是“少数民族”。即使是汉人,如果只认炎帝、黄帝这两位老祖宗的话,也有点对不起自己的亲祖宗了。
何况今天的中国拥有五十六个民族,非汉族的五十五个民族中,像俄罗斯、塔吉克、乌兹别克等无论如何也不可能同炎黄二帝拉上血统关系,难道他们也得称为“炎黄子孙”吗?在台湾和东南一些海岛的先民中有马来人的成分,岂能滥用炎黄子孙的概念?
世界上大概不存在绝对纯血统的民族;如果有,也必定会退化以至消亡。华夏族由世界上最古老的民族之一发展到今天这样一个世界上人口最多的民族,并非只是依靠了祖先的伟大或血统的优良,而是由于不断大量吸收了其他民族,凝聚了各民族的精华。同样,中华民族的伟大力量来自组成她的各个民族,来自各民族自身的创造力和共同的凝聚力。
辛亥革命前后,革命党的刊物和独立各省一度使用黄帝纪年。这一方面是反对帝制的表示,另一方面也反映了狭隘的民族情绪。就像革命党人一度提过的“驱逐鞑虏”、“种族革命”一类口号很快为“五族共和”的政纲所代替一样,黄产纪年很快结束了它的历史使命。
但几千年形成的民族心理的变化,却不像改变纪年那样容易。中华民族共同的民族感情的形成和巩固也还需要时间。但如果我们从传统的天下观的束缚中解脱出来,不把汉族的观念和情感当作中国各民族的共性,在观察历史时不囿于传统的中原王朝的范围,那末对“炎黄子孙”一类说法就能有科学的理性的认识。
- posted on 07/17/2007
葛剑雄有批倒批臭的勇气,不愧大家学者的风范。这里找到乾隆给乔治三世写的鸡毛信,对照那封四十多年后林则徐写给女王的信,实在有哼哈二重唱的效果。
You, O King, live beyond the confines of many seas, nevertheless, impelled by your humble desire to partake of the benefits of our civilisation, you have dispatched a mission respectfully bearing your memorial. Your Envoy has crossed the seas and paid his respects at my Court on the anniversary of my birthday. To show your devotion, you have also sent offerings of your country's produce.
I have perused your memorial: the earnest terms in which it is couched reveal a respectful humility on your part, which is highly praiseworthy. In consideration of the fact that your Ambassador and his deputy have come a long way with your memorial and tribute, I have shown them high favour and have allowed them to be introduced into my presence. To manifest my indulgence, I have entertained them at a banquet and made them numerous gifts. I have also caused presents to be forwarded to the Naval Commander and six hundred of his officers and men, although they did not come to Peking, so that they too may share in my all embracing kindness.
As to your entreaty to send one of your nationals to be accredited to my Celestial Court and to be in control of your country's trade with China, this request is contrary to all usage of my dynasty and cannot possibly be entertained. It is true that Europeans, in the service of the dynasty, have been permitted to live at Peking, but they are compelled to adopt Chinese dress, they are strictly confined to their own precincts and are never permitted to return home. You are presumably familiar with our dynastic regulations. Your proposed Envoy to my Court could not be placed in a position similar to that of European officials in Peking who are forbidden to leave China, nor could he, on the other hand, be allowed liberty of movement and the privilege of corresponding with his own country; so that you would gain nothing by his residence in our midst.
Moreover, our Celestial dynasty possesses vast territories, and tribute missions from the dependencies are provided for by the Department for Tributary States, which ministers to their wants and exercises strict control over their movements. It would be quite impossible to leave them to their own devices. Supposing that your Envoy should come to our Court, his language and national dress differ from that of our people, and there would be no place in which to bestow him. It may be suggested that he might imitate the Europeans permanently resident in Peking and adopt the dress and customs of China, but, it has never been our dynasty's wish to force people to do things unseemly and inconvenient. Besides, supposing I sent an Ambassador to reside in your country, how could you possibly make for him the requisite arrangements? Europe consists of many other nations besides your own: if each and all demanded to be represented at our Court, how could we possibly consent? The thing is utterly impracticable. How can our dynasty alter its whole procedure and system of etiquette, established for more than a century, in order to meet your individual views? If it be said that your object is to exercise control over your country's trade, your nationals have had full liberty to trade at Canton for many a year, and have received the greatest consideration at our hands. Missions have been sent by Portugal and Italy, preferring similar requests. The Throne appreciated their sincerity and loaded them with favours, besides authorising measures to facilitate their trade with China. You are no doubt aware that, when my Canton merchant, Wu Chao Bing, was in debt to the foreign ships, I made the Viceroy advance the monies due, out of the provincial treasury, and ordered him to punish the culprit severely. Why then should foreign nations advance this utterly unreasonable request to be represented at my Court? Peking is nearly two thousand miles from Canton, and at such a distance what possible control could any British representative exercise?
If you assert that your reverence for Our Celestial dynasty fills you with a desire to acquire our civilisation, our ceremonies and code of laws differ so completely from your own that, even if your Envoy were able to acquire the rudiments of our civilisation, you could not possibly transplant our manners and customs to your alien soil. Therefore, however adept the Envoy might become, nothing would be gained thereby.
Swaying the wide world, I have but one aim in view, namely, to maintain a perfect governance and to fulfil the duties of the State: strange and costly objects do not interest me. If I have commanded that the tribute offerings sent by you, O King, are to be accepted, this was solely in consideration for the spirit which prompted you to dispatch them from afar. Our dynasty's majestic virtue has penetrated unto every country under Heaven, and Kings of all nations have offered their costly tribute by land and sea. As your Ambassador can see for himself, we possess all things. I set no value on objects strange or ingenious, and have no use for your country's manufactures. This then is my answer to your request to appoint a representative at my Court, a request contrary to our dynastic usage, which would only result in inconvenience to yourself. I have expounded my wishes in detail and have commanded your tribute Envoys to leave in peace on their homeward journey. It behoves you, O King, to respect my sentiments and to display even greater devotion and loyalty in future, so that, by perpetual submission to our Throne, you may secure peace and prosperity for your country hereafter. Besides making gifts (of which I enclose an inventory) to each member of your Mission, I confer upon you, O King, valuable presents in excess of the number usually bestowed on such occasions, including silks and curios-a list of which is likewise enclosed. Do you reverently receive them and take note of my tender goodwill towards you! A special mandate.
In the same letter, a further mandate to King George III dealt in detail with the British ambassador's proposals and the Emperor's reasons for declining them.
You, O King, from afar have yearned after the blessings of our civilisation, and in your eagerness to come into touch with our converting influence have sent an Embassy across the sea bearing a memorial. I have already taken note of your respectful spirit of submission, have treated your mission with extreme favour and loaded it with gifts, besides issuing a mandate to you, O King, and honouring you with the bestowal of valuable presents. Thus has my indulgence been manifested.
Yesterday your Ambassador petitioned my Ministers to memorialise me regarding your trade with China, but his proposal is not consistent with our dynastic usage and cannot be entertained. Hitherto, all European nations, including your own country's barbarian merchants, have carried on their trade with our Celestial Empire at Canton. Such has been the procedure for many years, although our Celestial Empire possesses all things in prolific abundance and lacks no product within its own borders. There was therefore no need to import the manufactures of outside barbarians in exchange for our own produce. But as the tea, silk and porcelain which the Celestial Empire produces, are absolute necessities to European nations and to yourselves, we have permitted, as a signal mark of favour, that foreign hongs [merchant firms] should be established at Canton, so that your wants might be supplied and your country thus participate in our beneficence. But your Ambassador has now put forward new requests which completely fail to recognise the Throne's principle to "treat strangers from afar with indulgence," and to exercise a pacifying control over barbarian tribes, the world over. Moreover, our dynasty, swaying the myriad races of the globe, extends the same benevolence towards all. Your England is not the only nation trading at Canton. If other nations, following your bad example, wrongfully importune my ear with further impossible requests, how will it be possible for me to treat them with easy indulgence? Nevertheless, I do not forget the lonely remoteness of your island, cut off from the world by intervening wastes of sea, nor do I overlook your excusable ignorance of the usages of our Celestial Empire. I have consequently commanded my Ministers to enlighten your Ambassador on the subject, and have ordered the departure of the mission. But I have doubts that, after your Envoy's return he may fail to acquaint you with my view in detail or that he may be lacking in lucidity, so that I shall now proceed . . . to issue my mandate on each question separately. In this way you will, I trust, comprehend my meaning....
(3) Your request for a small island near Chusan, where your merchants may reside and goods be warehoused, arises from your desire to develop trade. As there are neither foreign hongs nor interpreters in or near Chusan, where none of your ships have ever called, such an island would be utterly useless for your purposes. Every inch of the territory of our Empire is marked on the map and the strictest vigilance is exercised over it all: even tiny islets and far lying sand ranks are clearly defined as part of the provinces to which they belong. Consider, moreover, that England is not the only barbarian land which wishes to establish . . . trade with our Empire: supposing that other nations were all to imitate your evil example and beseech me to present them each and all with a site for trading purposes, how could I possibly comply? This also is a flagrant infringement of the usage of my Empire and cannot possibly be entertained.
(4) The next request, for a small site in the vicinity of Canton city, where your barbarian merchants may lodge or, alternatively, that there be no longer any restrictions over their movements at Aomen, has arisen from the following causes. Hitherto, the barbarian merchants of Europe have had a definite locality assigned to them at Aomen for residence and trade, and have been forbidden to encroach an inch beyond the limits assigned to that locality.... If these restrictions were withdrawn, friction would inevitably occur between the Chinese and your barbarian subjects, and the results would militate against the benevolent regard that I feel towards you. From every point of view, therefore, it is best that the regulations now in force should continue unchanged....
(7) Regarding your nation's worship of the Lord of Heaven, it is the same religion as that of other European nations. Ever since the beginning of history, sage Emperors and wise rulers have bestowed on China a moral system and inculcated a code, which from time immemorial has been religiously observed by the myriads of my subjects. There has been no hankering after heterodox doctrines. Even the European (missionary) officials in my capital are forbidden to hold intercourse with Chinese subjects; they are restricted within the limits of their appointed residences, and may not go about propagating their religion. The distinction between Chinese and barbarian is most strict, and your Ambassador's request that barbarians shall be given full liberty to disseminate their religion is utterly unreasonable.
It may be, O King, that the above proposals have been wantonly made by your Ambassador on his own responsibility, or peradventure you yourself are ignorant of our dynastic regulations and had no intention of transgressing them when you expressed these wild ideas and hopes.... If, after the receipt of this explicit decree, you lightly give ear to the representations of your subordinates and allow your barbarian merchants to proceed to Ch阫iang and Tientsin, with the object of landing and trading there, the ordinances of my Celestial Empire are strict in the extreme, and the local officials, both civil and military, are bound reverently to obey the law of the land. Should your vessels touch the shore, your merchants will assuredly never be permitted to land or to reside there, but will be subject to instant expulsion. In that event your barbarian merchants will have had a long journey for nothing. Do not say that
http://academic.brooklyn.cuny.edu/core9/phalsall/texts/qianlong.html - Re: 葛剑雄 一厢情愿的“天下” [九州观念, 如果世上只有中文, 长城的价值, 炎黄子孙]posted on 07/17/2007
长城作为中国历史的象征还是满合适的:闭关自守,自我中心。
‘炎黄子孙’一语是有明显大汉族主义倾向,应该慎用。不过要是用来泛指亚洲人种的基因型,倒也错不到太远。南亚次大陆和西亚除外。 - Re: 葛剑雄 一厢情愿的“天下” [九州观念, 如果世上只有中文, 长城的价值, 炎黄子孙]posted on 07/18/2007
八十一子 wrote:
长城作为中国历史的象征还是满合适的:闭关自守,自我中心。
应该说也体现了农耕文明的内敛性、防御性。所以今天的中国威胁论从文化角度讲是没有道理的。
不论是印度河文明还是美索不达米亚文明,他们重要的任务就是抵御平原外围游牧民族的侵袭,应该说这也是个普遍的现象。只有圣经例外,颠倒黑白,说农人邪恶牧人高尚,2000年来西方就是按照这个思路走的。(更不要说还有腓尼基威尼斯亦商亦盗以及北欧的维京海盗传统) - Re: 葛剑雄 一厢情愿的“天下” [九州观念, 如果世上只有中文, 长城的价值, 炎黄子孙]posted on 07/18/2007
八十一子 wrote:
长城作为中国历史的象征还是满合适的:闭关自守,自我中心。
应该说换个角度讲也体现了农耕文明的内敛性、防御性。所以对中华文明稍有了解的人是不大会相信今天西方的中国威胁论的。
不论是印度河文明还是美索不达米亚文明,他们重要的任务就是抵御平原外围游牧民族的侵袭,应该说这也是个普遍的现象。只有圣经例外,颠倒黑白,说农人邪恶牧人高尚,2000年来西方就是按照这个思路走的。(更不要说还有腓尼基威尼斯亦商亦盗以及北欧的维京海盗传统) - posted on 07/18/2007
浮生 wrote:要是世界上没有英文、法文、西班牙文、葡萄牙文等西方文字,或者发生了什么天灾将这些文字记录的史料全部毁灭了,必定会有一批史学家根据上面这道敕谕和《清实录》、《东华录》等大清官方记载,考订出18世纪末年英国向清朝“称臣纳贡”的事实,作为大清帝国的声威已经越过欧亚大陆和英吉利海峡的证据。
其实这也是互相的,天朝思想和欧洲中心主义都是这样。
如果没有汉字的记载,一定会有西方探险家声称他“发现”了北京,就像发现了星加坡或墨西哥城一样。记得有个西方人嘲笑欧洲中心主义时说,也许有个外国游客会高呼,是他首先“发现”了伦敦和巴黎。 还有,记得中学英语课文里有过一个故事:金星人科学家向地球发射了探测器,落在纽约曼哈顿街头后发回报告:地球上只有矿物质而没有水和有机物,所以不可能存在生命。 :-) - posted on 07/19/2007
农耕社会修城墙来进行防御,本来就是天经地义,庄稼蔬菜都是搬不走的,哪里象游牧民族,马背上就托了个家园。中世纪的欧洲,处于四分五裂之中,小小的城邦们不都修了城墙吗? 与秦长城的差别,只不过规模大小不同,但都具有独立和主权的象征。这也反倒证明了秦始皇统一的进步意义,比欧洲提早了一千年的进步。
关于另外一条线,兵马俑也代表一种进步,至少没有活生生陪葬那么多奴隶。落后先进本是一个相对的概念,不仅有地域,还有时差,比如现代落后意识的代表,首推就是五十年前红军修筑的柏林墙。
阿拉丁燃灯 wrote:
八十一子 wrote:应该说换个角度讲也体现了农耕文明的内敛性、防御性。所以对中华文明稍有了解的人是不大会相信今天西方的中国威胁论的。
长城作为中国历史的象征还是满合适的:闭关自守,自我中心。
不论是印度河文明还是美索不达米亚文明,他们重要的任务就是抵御平原外围游牧民族的侵袭,应该说这也是个普遍的现象。只有圣经例外,颠倒黑白,说农人邪恶牧人高尚,2000年来西方就是按照这个思路走的。(更不要说还有腓尼基威尼斯亦商亦盗以及北欧的维京海盗传统) - posted on 03/17/2011
谢谢老瓦给的链接。这篇文章竟然是表示不问政治的浮生同学转贴的,我很吃惊,看来我对浮生同学还需要进一步了解。
流落在世界各地的犹太人大多受到歧视和迫害,但来到中国的犹太人却长期过着和平生活,得到汉人的平等对待,以至他们逐渐失去了保持本民族特征的心态,终于在汉族中消失了。这就是个很有力的例证。
犹太人在中国被同化,是因为中国人的老祖宗有个伟大的发明,叫“一视同仁”的科举。明季见到欧洲传教士的中国犹太人表示,忙于举业,一点可怜的时间都念四书五经去了,犹太人的经,再没时间念了。
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